An Artist Village stands in Mumbabylon

September 4, 2008

Charles Correa is one of the most interesting of Indian architects. He has been building extensively in India and abroad, but more than his design it is his thought process that is impressive.

map.gifHe was a strong advocate for the development of New Bombay (Navi Mumbai) as a twin city to Mumbai, that would decongest the city (or at least absorb some of the inflow of immigrants pouring in from rural areas to the financial capital of India). He actually acted as Chief Architect for the planning of the new city. Of course we want to ask: “What happened Charles? We know you didn’t want New Bombay to become the brutal urban environment that is today.” We’ll really need to look into why, even with such a sensible Chief Architect, the city got so ugly. An educated guess is: big money and unscrupulous/corrupted public officials messed up what was originally a good plan.

We know Charles Correa cannot be held responsible because in one part of the new city, he showed what he was really up to. This is the ‘Artist Village’, a 55 hectare mixed-income housing project in Belapur, New Bombay. The Artist Village transported us to a Goan atmosphere.

The village has a high concentration of artists. The first residents had to be artists of some sort to move in. Naturally things have changed a lot since it was built, about 20 years ago.

It is really worth a visit. Don’t go to see Charles Correa’s architectural skills or you will be disappointed. Go instead to see what a genius urban designer can do when he thinks beyond design. It is very fashionable amongst architects to despise each others’ works. Charles Correa’s ‘Artist Village’ in New Bombay has not been spared by criticism and mocking by fellow architects.

True, not much remains of the houses he designed. Most of the houses have been remodeled or destroyed and rebuilt. Some inhabitants said they were impractical (”What was the architect thinking when he put toilets outside the house?”). Some clusters of houses became “model” mini-gated-communities while others became mini-slums.

But this is precisely the genius of the project. It was produced with the idea that the residents were going to alter it in many ways, making it truly their own.

One resident we talked to complained that no provisions were made for the common spaces in the center of each cluster of houses. No one was in charge of maintaining them. These spaces do not fall under any jurisdiction; not private nor public.

He was blaming the architect for this omission. This resident had to take it in his own hands and talked to his neighbors and they worked out a solution. They each contribute to a common fund that is used for maintenance. There is even extra money left to pay a retired army officer to spend his days sitting on a chair in front of the gate they built to prevent strangers from entering the cluster (we got through though!)

In other clusters we saw residents wiping out the ground in front of their house. This was part of the plan. The architect even foresaw the dispute between neighbors which is part of the pluralistic and messy process of creating a community.

What really struck us as we walked through the Artist Village, was how organic it really looked. It was designed, yes - but it managed to be a natural city. Before we saw the project we had almost lost faith in urban design altogether, thinking that it was irremediably oppressive, determining in advance how people are to go about their lives, enclosing them into a limiting format.

The first reason why the Artist Village looks organic is that it allowed people to modify their houses freely, whether with a paintbrush or a mortar. Something that is NEVER allowed in the type of mass housing devastating the urban and psychological landscape of cities around the world.

The second reason, we have to say, is Correa’s deep understanding of the nature of cities. His cluster modules are very simple, yet they are related to each other in a complex way.

This housing project offers the quality of life of a village with the sophistication of a city. Each cluster permits the emergence of a hyperlocal community feeling, while integrating each house to the whole settlement at different levels. The hierarchy itself is very organic, as the diagrams below show (from Charles Correa 1989, The New Landscape).

Cluster of 7 houses

Cluster of 3 x 7 houses

Clusters of 3 x 3 x 7 houses

Mapping of the village

It is great to see that the best is possible. There is a middle-way between Dharavi and Brasilia and Charles Correa is pointing to it. Thank you Uncle Charlie. A deep bow from the airoots team.

Connecting…

Anthropologist Marilyn Strathern has several interesting insights on virtual and real worlds. The one we find particularly striking is her observation that both these realms are inter-subjectively connected. ‘Reality’ subsumes within it many abstractions that are ‘virtual’ to start with.

In the sphere of kinship, this interplay takes on interesting shapes. Kinship is composed of relationships between people that are imagined and structured in ways that play around the idea of nearness and distance in all kinds of ways. People who live in close proximity to each other also need to ‘imagine’ and ‘mediate’ their relationships through categorization and classification.

This can be full of painful psychological distance if the kinship ‘inter-face’ is based on categories that encourage hierarchy and distance – on the basis of gender, age or status.

Thus, people can live in the same house and be alienated from each other – with a zero-level of communication that no technological innovation can ever overcome.

She also points out that the idea of the ‘real’ itself is imbued with the weightiness of kinship categories in different ways. Thus the most ‘real’ relationships are imagined as being those of blood and family. The more distant ones – thus more ‘virtual’ - are of friendships.

However – anthropologists today have corrected many of their own pre conceptions about human modes of organization. They now acknowledge that kinship and friendship circles were equally relevant to our past histories – even for economic survival - and that to see one as more real than the other – in terms of classificatory modes – did not in anyway mean that we could not find the same level of intensity, emotional resonance and social dependence in both. In fact – since friendship spaces allowed for an expression of egalitarianism that traditional kinship did not – this world often had a lot of egalitarian resonance that provided relief to individuals caught in socially tight relations.

Today it has become easier for us to acknowledge the political values of friendship – as being as weighty and relevant to contemporary life in a double-edged way.

Societies in which traditional familial bonds are changing often represent the transformation in the idiom of friendship. It is easier for parents and children and husbands and wives to mark their modernity through the egalitarian resonances of ‘being friends’.

Virtual worlds thrive on the content of the communication that is crafted meaningfully through the imagery of friendship. It is crafted to deal with individual users through an inter-face of choice and freedom, as a world of possible friends and friendly voices. In other words, the world of communication technology is dominated by the culture of friendship.

What is equally significant is to see its impact on the way we perceive this technology. For one it renders the idea of distance as unimportant. This happens not only in the sense of transcending physical distance but by opening up a space for a connection on more egalitarian terms. That is what makes the internet such a potent political space. It is a space dominated by an alternative web of relations in which the virtual in both senses – para-real and beyond tightly knit social equations – gets to be expressed. This explains why smses being exchanged in a room or e-mails being exchanged through cabins in an office cannot be mechanically reduced to a retarded communication.

The virtual world has become a self-identified and - referential space of freedom and creativity through a more egalitarian mode of relating to people - that relies on the ‘virtual’ in a way that has always been part of any cultural history. It is as real as any other because it is fueled by human energies of communication that is motivated by the desire to connect with people in a free and flat way.

What Strathern reminds us that it is not the communication technology that is auto-producing these response. It is intensely complemented by a conscious desire to defend the ability of the technology to operate as such. This is so because it resonates so well with the political values that have become the dominant ones – especially for emerging generations.

What this suggests is that the political possibilities of friendship get tapped upon spontaneously through this fusion of social and technological forces. We don’t have to try too hard. In fact the commercial possibilities of the friendship industry are raking in the moolah for quick-thinking businesses which have understood this dimension of the internet.

But if we don’t see technology as an extension of conscious choice – in this case in the politically liberating language of egalitarian relationships - we often land up in unexpected places.

For example - literacy was often represented as the magic wand of transforming the world. The nation state was built around the energy of literacy which allowed – in the words of Benedict Anderson – to produce new emotive political imaginaries. According to Anderson – nations were new emotive abstractions that were facilitated by a new technology – literacy.

It would be useful to repeat the question that Strathern asked Anderson – what makes us think that small – scale societies and pre-national political identities didn’t need the faculty of the abstract imagination? If human relationships of the most basic kind are predicated on a culturally constructed vocabulary to actually encourage distance –(based on cultural status) then the need for uniting large political constructs through overcoming distance through communication cannot be a mere mechanical expansion of the idea.

It needs to be understood not through the technical expansion of the facility to communicate as much as its accompanying fore-ground score – the political values of the times, which may have, ironically been subverted through t hose very technologies. It is true that nations emerged along with the promise of various political freedoms. However, it is a different matter that they subsequently re-organized themselves on primordial identities of one kind or the other. Maybe because of the faulty slippage that took place in terms their understanding of technologies and political choices. They took the gift of literacy, modernized it through technological extensions and produced new versions of political-religious indoctrination that didn’t do much to extend the slogans that they brandied about. They controlled knowledge systems - directly or indirectly - and produced highly literate people with ancient political prejudices.

Today – as we imagine a less nationalized and territorialized world (as a political ideal – however contested) where technologies of all kinds have actually made it possible to cut through many firewalls – it is tempting once again to rely a lot on the imagined anti-bodies that exist within new communication technologies to help change the world.

What we have to be cautious about is what Strathern warns - we may imagine that we are getting globalized by a misplaced faith on the idea of distance and proximity as representing virtual and real dimensions.

We have often quoted Appadurai in this context – the fact of the matter is that locality is the inter-face through which the global gets experienced - wherever we are. The global is not the mechanical sum-total of many localities at all as a reductive understanding of communication, distance and proximity would have us think. Locality and the global are predicated on categories and modes of classification that can be anything – based on what we choose them to be.

Thus if we have to negotiate the politics of the contemporary world we have to do it through the interface of locality - even though we can see ‘global’ forces at work. Small neighbourhoods have become battlefields - without noisy warfare - just the rumble of speculation and the sound of construction.

The defenses that emerge against the war-mongers can come from unexpected directions - even virtual ones. For all of us who live half our lives in such worlds – and love it – we know that this space is not a result of cutting-edge technology alone – but the consequence of the choices that have cumulatively gone in making these technologies what they have become. The virtual world is a creative space which performs a function like a poem or story did in the past – in the primordial virtual worlds of our past lives – and the content of the poem is what we have to pay as much attention to.

The content is about ways of connecting with each other for its own sake, to use the energy unleashed through these connections in ways that we choose to.

If the dominant culture of virtual worlds is about friendship - and friendship was always gloriously virtual! - this can help transcend differences and hierarchies in all possible ways.

It can help carve a space where control and imposition is not the norm.

If the virtual world is about the reality of friendship then it opens up new ways of getting into the lives of each other.

Urbanology Workshops 2008

September 2, 2008

March

Dharavi Reloaded:
Workshop on the use of Dharavi.org with the residents of Koliwada, Dharavi Mumbai.

Around ten participants familiarised themselves with the tools required for uploading multi media material onto the URBZ www.dharavi.org website that emerged through the Urban Typhoon held earlier that month. More such workshops will be held from October onwards in different pockets all over Dharavi, through the Koliwada Design Cell.

April

Writing Imagination
On philosophies and practices of writing with post graduate media students from the Center for Media Studies unit, Tata Insititute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.

The five day long workshop explored the relationship of knowledge, writing and context. It examined histories of knowledge practices and attempted to connect them to the way in which pedagogic practices are weighed down by interpretations and over interpretations that need reflection.

July

Narrating Fantasies
On story telling in different forms of media practices, with undergraduate students of St. Xavier’s College, Goa.

Participants examined the elements of narratives with concepts and tools that are not weighed down by a selfconscious literary imagination and which combine the image and the word as an organic part of expression.

August

Archiving Action
A workshop on Urban Knowledge Practices with the coordinators of the PUKAR Youth Fellowship Project, PUKAR, Mumbai.

This attempted to evolve strategies for the coordinators of the PUKAR Youth Fellowship Project to document their interventions with 400 young ‘barefoot researchers’ with whom they work all over Mumbai. This workshop is part of a series that will be held every month. The next one is scheduled for mid September.

Forthcoming

From November onwards, a series of workshops will be held with the participants of the PUKAR Youth Fellowship project. These focus on the use of information and communication technology within the frame of urban research action practices of the project.

A Route to Abyssinia

August 28, 2008

The spectacular Janjira fort, a chip of India’s African history, stands in the Arabian Sea, a few kilometers below Mumbai. It is literally referred to as the Island Fort. Covered with trees and roots, it is tall and majestic - proud of the fact that it remained the only unconquered fort in the region.

Unconquered, by the several rival rulers who cast covetous eyes on its strategic position.

It is a beautiful urban ruin. Overgrown with trees that have roots going all the way to Africa. A place that is physically surprisingly close, but has been made distant through forgetfulness and a lack of perspective.

Its airoots thrive in open air, sniffing for a whiff of the past.

They remember the days when it was a compact city full of the several industries that armies generate, industries that brought in families and made communities. The 22 acres of black stonewalls are littered with cave-like rooms and shelters, water bodies and the remains of a mosque. They are lined with heavy iron cannons and elegantly designed archways that look like framed pictures of the sea and the coast. The island fort was once full of urban intensity. It belonged to a liminal world in between continents and was multi racial and cosmopolitan.

The sea links between Africa and India have been alive and kicking for a thousand years. There was trade, trafficking, wars, and this African kingdom that ruled parts of western India for a few hundred years. A kingdom that ruled through the seas, from coast to coast, harnessing the energy of a thousand exchanges, of goods, services, ideas, cultural artifacts, music, flora, fauna, and people. The Siddhis, descendents of this African legacy on the Konkan, still live along the coast from Gujarat to Karnataka speaking local languages, living as an indigenous people with a vague memory of an African origin. Like the Bene Israel - an ancient Jewish community who lived on the same coast, riding the same historical wave and getting absorbed as a local caste - the Siddhis too bring to surface their African past only when history makes it come willfully alive.

The small coastal towns of this old globally cosmopolitan belt have homes that reflect its hybrid architectural legacy. Structures that could have existed on the eastern African coast, for all practical purposes.

An old customs house, a colonial leftover of the millennial old trade practices still stands in Murud. It was responsible for transforming the ancient sea-exchanges from traditional trading activities into an underground smuggling network. Like many colonial judgments – this too became a self-fulfilling prophecy of sorts – or at least kept alive prejudices and suspicions.

At the northern edge of Murud is an ornamental palace – private property of the descendent of the Abyssinian King. Referred to as Nawab Khan, the royal man, often comes here, when he is not with his family in Bombay or visiting another palace of his in Indore – Madhya Pradesh. He graciously meets visitors on prior appointment.

Africa for Nawab Khan is a hazy memory. Today, home is where history and destiny have bought him.

Tales of Lucid Sleep

August 26, 2008

lucid

(This is a forthcoming graphic novel to be published in 2009)

The pre-history of our story is connected to an island far away from Mumbai. It starts during a time when the city itself was nothing more than a lazy collection of seven water circled spits of land, inhabited by a fishing community, birds, beasts, insects, some bored goddesses living in makeshift shrines and a handful of forgotten ancient monuments.

The island in our story still exists, around ninety kilometers south of Mumbai. It is overgrown with trees that have airoots sniffing for a whiff from the past. Remembering the days when it was literally a compact city. It’s twenty two acres of black stonewalls are littered with cave-like rooms and shelters, water bodies and the remains of an ancient, unknown shrine of a religion that does not resemble any of the known faiths that have known to have settled down in this part of the country; neither Jewish, Islamic, Hindu, Buddhist or Christian.

Historians surmise that the unknown faith must have flaked off the thriving sea trade connecting Africa and India. They talk of trade, trafficking, wars, and even an African kingdom that ruled parts of western India for a few hundred years. A kingdom that controlled the seas, from one continental coast to another, harnessing the energy of a thousand exchanges, of goods, services, ideas, music, flora, fauna, and people. Near our island, there still exists a palace that belongs to that old African kingdom. We even know that its royal descendent still lives; in a large south - Mumbai flat.

Our story is half connected to his kingdom, and only partially connected to the region’s African history. Most scholars simply gave up trying to decipher the remains of what is known of that hazy period. No one could logically trace the trading routes that must have given rise to that mysterious faith, no one managed to trace the place they must have come from.

No one even knows that the neighbouring flat of the African king (who still lives in South Mumbai) is owned by a descendent of this lost kingdom.

No one knows that the children playing below the table in this image are supposed to carry on an old legacy, connected to the city’s hidden past.

Our story begins from under the table.

Urban Fables

01: The Query of the Sunset Peacock
(Inspired by Marc Reisner’s ‘Cadillac Desert’)

The great bath was full. Fashionably dressed men and women jostled with each other to undress, take a quick dip and hurry to feast at the temple. The brick-lined floor just outside the enormous reservoir of water was still warm with the evening sun.

That is when the sunset peacock chose to make its first appearance in town*. Right in front of the chief of the council of town elders who was hurriedly drying himself, thinking hungrily of the food laid out in the temple courtyard.

‘Why do you hurry – o chief?’ said the strange creature startling the elderly man enough for his robe to slip – and make a beautiful courtesan standing next to him, to first giggle and then convert it elegantly into a cough.

The voice of the sunset peacock was expectedly harsh and unmelodic.

‘Who the hell are you?’ asked the chief of the man who was dressed as if he had escaped from the theatre troupe that had arrived last week from a primitive kingdom** in the south-east, and performed noisily for slaves and poor courtesans at street corners, wearing the most garish of clothes.

On a closer look, he saw that the man had a human form only up till his waist, after which he really was a peacock.

‘And what is a creature like you – not fully human as yet – doing in the great bath where the waters are meant only for the most evolved, even among the fully human?’

‘I, the sunset peacock, come as a harbinger of bad times o chief. Us peacocks – even if we are not fully formed birds as yet – always arrive to celebrate the arrival of rains before they come, so you can enjoy our dance and fill your reservoirs in time as a bonus. But I come with sad news. This year you won’t be able to see our dance in time. Incidentally, you may have to cut down a bit on your baths too. I think you may need to keep some of it for drinking. But that’s nothing compared to the real tragedy - the inordinately long wait before you get to see our dance.’

The chief continued to take his ritual dip and even winked at the courtesan who winked back, slipping into her bronze jewels, smiling to herself.

The peacock man bristled with anger at their disdainful response.

‘Do you mock me with your silences and half-smiles?’ he asked and proceeded to unfurl his tail into a gigantic fan of feathers that had a thousand eyes in hues of silken blue and resplendent green. They reflected the flickering light of the torch-lights hung on the brick walls and made his rich black skin shine with those very shades.

The whole bath turned at once into the most festive space you could ever imagine. And even though there was no actual thundering of drums you could hear the beats.

‘No - we don’t mock you with our half-smiles’, said the chief, still smiling. ‘We are a bit worried about the water though. Do you feel the rain gods are angry? Do we need to propitiate them in some way? Maybe make a sacrifice? I was told that in the days of yore our ancestors actually sacrificed a peacock to make the rain-gods happy.’

‘No,’ said the sunset peacock hurriedly, ‘that’s all superstition. Just answer my question. If you get it right then I shall ensure that the rain gods actually hasten their journey and arrive on time.’

‘Go ahead – shoot,’ said the chief, still half-smiling, already making his way towards the temple courtyard, thinking of the buffalo meat that would have been garnished with exotic herbs brought from a faraway land beyond the oceans.

‘I’ll give you three chances. What marks the boundary of your great city?’ asked the sunset peacock in his loudest and croakiest of voices.

The chief stopped short at once – turned back to face him and said –

‘Where the last brick-house gaze at the fields beyond and our neat brick-lined roads become dirt paths?’

‘Wrong! Next Try’.

‘Where the last port of our great ships dock their sails?’

‘Wrong again! Last try.’

‘Let me guess’ said the courtesan unexpectedly.

The two looked at her with quizzical eyes.

‘The fields beyond our towns that fill our granaries, the river that feeds them and the forests that nourish them in which the peacocks – who really love to live in dry arid city boundaries - occasionally like to feast? Or should I say the city has no boundaries at all?’

The sunset peacock smiled.

‘You are a wise woman. But since the question was not directed at you, I am afraid this time the rains won’t be on time and you will be deprived of our dance. But next time around I hope the chief of the council is a wiser man.’

So saying the sunset peacock gave a loud croak and flew off.

The chief lost his appetite for the feast and walked away from the courtesan who gave a giggle again, before elegantly converting it into a cough.

* A town that would be located – on a contemporary map – in modern day Afghanistan. But this story is set in an ancient era when the moderate whispers of the Buddha had not been heard and the rational wisdom of Islam hadn’t yet made its appearance.

** Primitive only from the standards of the town in which the story is set. It was, after all, a town that was part of an urban civilization so advanced for its times that it would make modern day LA envious with its stunning vistas of grid streets, roads at right angles and miles of uniformly built habitats.

02: The Dancing City

When Vatsayana finished compiling the Kamasutra, a goddess visited him.

She saw him lying exhausted across his wooden desk, legs stretched on either side.
Her ethereal eyes glided over the room. The oil in the lamp was nearly extinguished, making the room blink occasionally, with its few last minute bursts of flaming energy. The room was quiet, except for the sound of crickets and the hoot of an owl immediately outside the window. Palm leaf scrolls lay around untidily – with Vatsayana’s passionate scribbles, scratches, and sensual drawings.

As was her habit, the voluptuous goddess - wearing little else but jewelry as was the fashion of those times - walked into the dream Vatsayana was dreaming. She became immediately embarrassed to see it heavy with memories of his research. Embarrassed not in a coy manner, but out of politeness. The way you do when you step into someone else’s intimate moment. She was far too urbane and sophisticated for coyness. After all, she was the patron goddess of Ujjain – the city in which Vatsayana lived – in the year 400 B.C. She had seen far too much, felt far too much, and desired far too much to be shy about anything.

She quickly transformed her embarrassed gaze into a mildly contemptuous look. After all, she told herself, she was in his dream now and may as well play her part.

She saw explicit images from his book. They looked as if they belonged to different worlds. There were basic drawings he had sketched while doing his research. Then there were images from the future. Temple engravings, miniatures, and scrolls – in a hundred different unknown languages and mysterious scripts. She saw books and films, videos and even websites.

Then she saw Vatsayana’s staring face, looking confused.

‘What troubles you good man?’ she asked him, giving one of her effortless smiles.

Vatsayana looked up at her, bowed his head, folded his hands and said, ‘I do not quite understand this dream. What do you think will happen to my stories and drawings great goddess?’

The goddess smiled, ‘Those are images from the future. Your book is going to be read for a thousand years and more, and in many different ways. There is something about it that will be loved and valued for a long time.’

Vatsayana turned to the images for a closer look.

The goddess continued to speak. ‘You are destined to become a famous man. You will hold the torch of pleasure in this land for centuries – even when the land has forgotten to value pleasure.’

Vatsayana beamed.

‘But I have a request great sage,’ the goddess looked at him with cautious eyes.

‘What is it?’ asked Vatsayana suspiciously.

‘I would like to be known as the co-author of the book. After all, if it was not for the city of Ujjain the book would not have been written.’ She turned her gaze away from him even as she spoke. She knew what she wanted was not going to be granted so easily.

She was right. Vatsayana scowled.

‘Hello,’ he said, his turning loud, ‘I was the one who went from house to house, peeping into bedrooms and kitchens, prayer rooms and drawing rooms. I was the one who interviewed courtesans and householders. I spent time with women, men and eunuchs asking them intimate details of their lives. I was the one who read the sacred scriptures about fashion, history, food and sex. Here I am lying exhausted after years of research. And now you come around asking to be a co-author? How fair is that?’

The goddess breathed in deeply before giving out a long sigh.

‘Yes, yes, I understand. But believe me, learned one, this book could not have been written on the banks of a great river, or in a monastery in the great mountains or in the peaceful environs of a rural hamlet. It could only have been written in a city – such as mine. Where courtesans roam freely, with their head held high. Where pleasure and dancing is still seen to be as natural as eating delicious food. Where the gaze of a spiritual master, a gourmet cook, a musician and a pleasure giver are not arranged in any hierarchy. Where the bustle of the market place sits comfortably with the warmth of homes. Where you can trade in anything you wish or belong permanently to anyone or anything you wish to belong to. It is this world of a city, where dancing is allowed till late into the night – that made it possible for you to write the book in the first place. I should be known as the co-author. I am saying this for the good of the future.’

‘And what if I refuse?’ said Vatsayana, with a mutinous expression.

‘Seeing the future, I know that you already have,’ replied the goddess sadly. ‘I can see it is going to be known as your book. It will seen to have emerged from a vague hoary past of this land. From some vaguely defined idea of tradition and spirituality. It will contribute to the archive of sexual and spiritual literature - without of course - any connection with me. It will thrive in expensive bookshops in its cities even when dancing, pleasure and music get frowned upon. However, it will always be known as your book.’

‘Then that is what I desire. I should be its sole author.’ Vatsayana said with finality and opened his eyes.

The goddess is said to have cried in anger before leaving Ujjain forever.

Since then, cities on this land soon lost their status as fountainheads of culture and a dynamic tradition and became stern places where dancing, music, and pleasure were curtailed or outlawed.

The bookshops in those cities, however, still stock copies of Vatsayana’s Kamasutra since it is difficult for them not to see it as part of their tradition. However, they frown upon pleasure, music and dancing as being outside the purview of that very tradition.

If you roam these cities at night, after the curfew hour and when everybody is supposed to have returned home – it is said that you can still occasionally hear the angry cry of the goddess.

03: Buddha of the Urbs

It was just another evening in Pataliputra, four hundred odd years BC. Cloth merchants from a province in China had arrived with bundles of the finest silks that aristocratic families had been eagerly awaiting for months. The river ports were bustling with ships that had come all the way from towns that mushroomed off the banks of the River Ganga. Greek soldiers walked the streets watching appreciatively the latest fashions adorned by women selling spices in the bazaar.

In a drinking saloon, off the main street, next to a bull-fighting ring sat a disillusioned young man with a glass of flower-beer in his hand. His name was Athan and he was an architect employed by the richest courtesan in the province. He was to design her ‘Special Chamber for Festive Nights’ and he was depressed because he also happened to be in love with her. The thought of designing a chamber that would not necessarily be used by him was devastating. He was contemplating giving up his profession and returning to his village on the outskirts of the kingdom to grow mahua flowers so he could produce more beer and drown his sorrows and extinguish his love once and for all.

Then he saw a middle-aged man with the most enlightened face he had ever seen appear at the door with a begging bowl. The saloon owner poured him a drink and the man thanked him and started to leave. Even through his drunken haze, something about the man drew Athan to him and he called out ‘Come in good sir and I shall treat you to a meal.’

The man with the most enlightened face joined Athan and they began a conversation.

Athan discovered that the man was a king’s son and had become a wandering monk out of choice. He was on the verge of discovering deep spiritual truths but for now had only managed a few half-formed insights on the nature of cities. He was happy to share it with Athan, who looked delighted and informed him that he was an architect and any knowledge about cities was most welcome.

‘I am still working at it’ said the enlightened one, ‘My spiritual quest is really ultimately about making better cities. I am now quite convinced that the way of the wandering monk is what the city can learn the most from.’

Athan frowned – ‘Please explain?’

‘The real wealth of this city comes through various acts of wandering. Trading wealth comes from the traveling traders who come from China or from other kingdoms from down the river. Quite a bit of the food and the flower-beer comes from the nomadic fishermen, food-gatherers and hunters living in the forests around. It is the pleasure provided by the wandering woman which provides the greatest joy to most men. It is this spirit of the wanderer that must become the inspiration of all future cities’.

Since Athan still looked a bit distracted, the enlightened one said, ‘The matters of your heart and knowledge of the city are all connected good man. Listen carefully to me and you will be able to help shape a new vision for the future of humanity at large. Besides, you will be able to solve the problem of your heart as well.’

Athan smiled enthusiastically when he heard this. ‘Okay, shoot’ he said, ‘Go on…what are these words of wisdom?’

The man paused and continued, ‘I am still working things out, but basically I follow the middle path. All that lies in between interpreting something and over interpreting it. If you get that balance, you will be able to produce that great urban vision. So here goes;

Over-Interpreting food security can paradoxically create droughts.
Don’t force farmers to produce grains only to fill granaries. The poor will still manage to die of hunger. Instead, allow the freshest of food to come and go everyday and make sure that the food of the forest and the rivers play as much importance in your daily diet as do grains from a farmers field.

Over-interpreting what is a city and a forest will create degraded habitats.
Don’t look at homes only in the form of extremes - as forests on one hand and villages and cities on the other. They are connected by the world of movement all the time. In fact nomads and wanderers still provide the most important services to kingdoms. Wanderers and nomads can still camp anywhere they wish. If the cities of the future value their life, they will produce lighter homes and more wholesome cities, full of excitement and colour. Besides, villages and huts will be valid urban homes and the forest will become the pride of place within all cities.

Over-interpreting joy only in terms of owning things or sacrificing all that you have will both cause bitterness.
Cities attract goods like magnets do iron fillings. And yet the neat arrangement of goods in the market place and their convenient availability should not make you forget that the biggest joy one gets is actually walking to the market, enjoying meeting people and bargaining. That is the sediment of the wanderer still in you. On the other hand giving up taste and pleasures altogether because the goods in the market don’t satisfy you will also make you bitter. The trick is to have some things in the market and some things that can only be got when you travel, move into another town or forage for yourself. This will prevent you from extremes of cluttering your life or and giving up everything.

And finally something specially for you.

Over-interpreting relationships only in terms of permanency and possession will cause unhappiness.

Don’t look at relationships as if they are only about settling down. Nurture the wandering lovers soul in you as well. Enjoy the moments of togetherness without trying to possess her. Your love will become only joy and you will carry forth the most cherished memories through your own wanderings. The fact that she may have more than one lover will cease to agonize you.

It was the last bit that really got Athan’s attention. He thanked the enlightened man profusely and returned to his courtesan. He spent a wonderful night with her, built her a light traveling chamber that could move with her as she wished and returned to his village to regenerate a mahua orchard so that he could produce beer. With that money he planned to build a wandering city-camp that could move through the kingdom, embodying the ideals of the enlightened man.

Unfortunately, the young man was murdered on his way home. The contractor who was supposed to supply him large chunks of stone to build the ‘Special Chamber of Festive Nights’ wasn’t happy with his change of heart. The stone was used to cover up Athan’s body and still stands on the banks of the river in the guise of a temple.

04: The Battle of the Firewall - The First Announcement:

The flea-market of the Agoma forest was the largest in the region. The thick wilderness was really a node of inter-continental trade routes and nomadic meeting points. It spawned temporary cities – complete with movie groves, courtesan-gardens and wild sport-dens - that got dismantled soon after business transactions were completed. Even though, occasionally, the dismantling happened spontaneously with a good fight that followed particularly harsh disagreements and counter-accusations of cheating. There could be blood-shed, though no one really got killed. You never wanted to really kill a potential customer – bad for profits.

The forest had the most elaborate network of underground cables - made up of roots that belonged to a distant cousin of the mangroves - that connected all the great forests of the region. This web was a huge bonus for trading communities and individual mavericks, mystics, programmers and magicians who were keen on getting the best possible deals for their goods – mainly forest food and medicines, spells, images, stories, music, movies and knowledge software. They always knew that the flea-market of Agoma would get them the best customers and prices, thanks to this underground web of knowledge flows.

Animals and birds kept away from the melee, even sacrificing a trip to the lake that lay nearby, for their evening drink. Why one earth would you want to come in the way of thousands of human beings shouting at each other, their faces painted in ludicrous colours and most of them drunk on mahia juice?

They kept their distance. But the Nogas – half human, half-beasts - had no such compunctions – most of them could speak as loudly as the ‘fully humans’ and give them a piece of their beastly mind.

That evening – Naliya – her long hair conditioned by rice beer, her beautiful human face polished by a special venom-based spell her mother had given her and a firm resolve in her heart, slid through the grass with her maroon snake-body glistening with the reflected light of the flea-market. Her stomach was fattened by the prophecy she had consumed last evening and she was determined to find the recepient to convey the message from the future, or suffer from constipation that night.

She headed straight for the section of programmer-wizards and knowledge-software dealers, who hung around together behind a thick cluster of Mahia trees. It was always easy to find them. You just had to follow the smell of the lucid-sleep spell – a special spell made up from mahia flowers – that this tribe loved. It helped them with their job – which needed constant movement between worlds without really moving their butts. Something that this particular spell facilitated with unsettling ease. And there – below the tamarind tree, looking intensely at his magic cube, his fingers dancing away on a wooden keyboard was the recepient of the prophecy. Ornest was a knowledge-software dealer – specializing in image-spells.

She coiled herself into a seated position and stared at him defiantly. She was going to say what she had come to say.

‘The end of the Age of Agoma is round the corner. The Kingdom of Aan is spreading its tentacles through minds, souls, bodies and forests. Get ready for the Battle of the Firewall – Get ready for a New Age – of Truth, Beauty and Purity and of A Grand Urban Revival. And Get Ready for the End of Lucid Sleep.’

The Tokyo “default” model


This photo, taken on higher ground and looking across a valley, gives an idea of the extent of Tokyo’s destruction caused by the Allied B-29 fire bombing of the city. Ohio State University - Archives

Tokyo represents a default model of development for developing cities around the world. An alternative vision can be generated by the study of the “shadow history” of Tokyo’s urban development. That is, by looking not at the history of urban planning in Tokyo, but rather at what developed outside the plan.

Greater Tokyo developed gradually from the Edo period onwards. The central area of Tokyo was very much planned from the start. The periphery however largely grew spontaneously. Villages surrounding the city were swallowed up by the sprawling city and small lots of farming land were gradually converted to residential, commercial and industrial uses.


Tokyo hut dwellers 1955, photo by Horace Bristol/Three Lions/Getty Images

During the Second World War firebombs dropped by the Allied air force destroyed most of Tokyo. The Ministry of City Planning had been producing ambitious urban plans based on modern planning theory since the 1920s. However, for a number of reasons, including the pressing needs for economic redevelopment and shelter, the lack of financial resources, and the absence of legal mechanisms for land acquisition by the state, the plans were never implemented . The government focused instead on industrial and infrastructure development to support the economy, leaving the reconstruction of residential and commercial areas to local actors, who rebuilt the city from scratch.

In the suburbs therefore planning was usually limited to water supply and railway transport system. For a long time “traditional Japanese urban development and management strategies were still wide still practiced and quite effective” (Sorensen 2002, p.149). Moreover, the government relied extensively on local self-reliance before and particularly during the war, and to a lesser extends afterwards. All these factors contributed to create strong neighborhood organizations and a sense of community and local identity.


Shibuya: The shoppers wear the wartime period heavy winter garments. The seated lady is selling lottery tickets, a device encouraged by the Occupation as a stimulus to the domestic economy. Ohio State University - Archives

This pattern of development has basically been maintained even till today. This explains why Tokyo has both; one of the best infrastructures in the world and a housing stock of great variety. The residential urbanism of Tokyo is characterized by low rise buildings and high population density. “In spite of some deliberate planning attempts to widen major streets and introduce reinforce concrete buildings the majority of neighborhoods were characterized by flimsy wooden constructions, and slum-type housing dominated many areas until the 1960s” (Carola Hein et al 2003, p. 26).

While the architecture has incrementally been upgraded, the urban typology is still very much informal and messy-looking, with extremely narrow and labyrinthine streets, shack type structures built with metal sheets and wood. What can be mistaken for urban mess by the casual observer (especially if that observer happens to be a classically trained planner or architect), is actually a highly efficient and complex urban organization. As Ryue Nishizawa of Sanaa put it in a recent interview, “this is not master planning in a Western way. The city is developing without a master plan, in a natural way… Tokyo appears to be very much disorganized but actually it is a city which works really well. There is no train delay. Every morning huge crowds are moved in a very orderly way from one point to the other. Very few crimes are committed in Tokyo. It is actually very orderly, even if the landscape looks disorderly. Some Westerners come to Tokyo and say this is chaos! Maybe it is true but people manage it very well.” (Nishizawa [SANAA] 2007).


Neighborhood retailer in Shimokitazawa. Photo by Save the Shimokitazawa.

An important characteristic of the “Tokyo default model” is mixed-used zoning. This was, again, not a planning choice, in fact, it could happen only because there was no central plan. Many positive outcomes mixed-use have been observed - such as safety and continuing liveliness of central city areas. In spite of being the largest metropolitan area in the world (32 million people), Tokyo is also one of the safest cities in the world. (This is clearly the case in Dharavi as well as many writers – including Kalpana Sharma in ‘Re-discovering Dharavi’ – have pointed out). Small-scale industrial activity, such as printing, wood work, textile manufacturing, and so on can been seen all over Tokyo’s neighborhoods. This leniency towards mixed-use has permitted to preserve small-scale family type businesses in one of the most advanced economy in the world. It also prevent the high degree of residential segregation along income lines that one finds in the US.

The Tokyo model suggests that it is possible to upgrade informal settlements in situ, by focusing on infrastructure development and relying on community self-determination. Master plans are needed for infrastructure development (roads, water, electricity, sewage), but local urban development is better determined at community level, with the help of experts and the technical and financial assistance of the government and the private sector.


Low-rise high density in Shimokitazawa. Photo by Save the Shimokitazawa.

The accidental Tokyo model for the organic city can liberate thousands of urban neighborhoods in Asia, Africa and Latin America from otherwise being condemned to being referred to and treated as slums. It can break through Mike Davis’s apocalyptic vision that weighs under its own predictions because of a weak conceptualizing of the category ‘slum’ itself, which reflects a devastatingly circular logic that traps millions of the urban poor into a situation of forced victimization.

Tokyo challenges this. It connects the raw material of traditional urbanism (resident-authored, socially and economically enmeshed in local contexts) to the most high-tech, almost futuristic experience of urban life. Its railway network inter-weaves thousands of neighborhoods into a large metropolis without violating inner-urban worlds too much. While its high-rise pockets and neon-lights may blind one into believing that it is an evolution of Manhattan and Singapore, a deeper look at Tokyo (escaping the large avenues and getting lost in the narrow streets hiding behind) reveals a city that is gloriously untidy and medieval in its essence. This untidiness is really an expression of its human scale, fidelity to low-rise high-density structures and dynamic neighborhoods that are experienced as organized spaces even if they do not look it.

However, Tokyo too has long being victimized by a “global urban design style”, that we could refer to as the generic city, which completely dominates the mind of city planners and developers in cities all over the world. The resistance underway in Shimokitazawa epitomizes the struggle between that vision and the desire of local communities to preserve the urban character of their neighborhoods. After all, before we decide otherwise for the future, Tokyo is only a “default” model born as much out of the capacity of central planners to develop an outstanding infrastructure as by their incapability of master planning the biggest megacity in the world and the consequent necessity to defer urban development to local actors.


Local actors taking over in Shimokitazawa. Photo by Save the Shimokitazawa.

Tokyo to Mumbai and Back

Presentation for the Urban Age Conference Mumbai, November 2 2007 (speech)


Tokyo slum during the US occupation years from Ohio University State Archive

1. Our research focuses on the informal, unplanned areas in Tokyo and Mumbai. These have developed organically and gradually over time. This incremental development has contributed to the economic success of Japan. This story is about this incremental development – which is both simultaneously urban and economic. A story that unfolds in the shadow of the skyscrapers that have come to symbolize Japan’s economic miracle. A shadow that actually stretches over a 100 kilometers around Tokyo’s historical core and largely dominates its landscape just as the informal settlements largely dominate the urbanscape of Mumbai.

2. After the Second World War, Tokyo was totally destroyed. Millions returned to the city to find their homes razed to the ground. They had to begin rebuilding their lives from scratch. In this process local neighbourhoods became the stage of the rise of Japan’s middle-class. The roots of Japan’s economic development are the bazaar economy, the informal street-markets, the family retails, local service economies, local construction industry etc. These still are very much part of Tokyo’s urbanscape and its economy, and more importantly, are processes completely interconnected with Tokyo’s urban typology.

3. Low-rise, high density, mixed use, small-scale neighbourhoods constantly changed and evolved to become what is today uncontestably a modern, high-tech city – that continues to grow and evolve in newer ways. It’s history provides an alternative model of urban development - a default model.

4. We find striking similarities – in terms of the visual landscape – between Tokyo and Dharavi (Mumbai’s biggest informal settlement). There are many sections within Dharavi, which are consolidated, neighbourhoods that have spontaneously evolved much like Tokyo. Below is a photoshop montage of Dharavi and Tokyo – which brings to life some of these similarities.


Collage: on the left Dharavi in Mumbai and on the right Shimokitazawa in Tokyo. More here.

5. Behind the typological similarity between unplanned areas of Tokyo and Dharavi lies a complex story of economic organization – involving the informal sector, mixed use of land and space, the presence of street-level shops, pedestrian path networks and the use of the house itself as a tool of production and commerce. In Dharavi, almost every house doubles up as a productive space. In Tokyo, the older and traditional pattern of urban organization too reflected a similar experience. The pre-industrial use of the house as a space of production (live/work) makes a huge come-back in the post-industrial context, responding to the needs of the “creative class”.

6. What allowed Tokyo to develop in this incremental way was the fact that this form, this urban typology was not seen to be illegitimate or economically dysfunctional – in fact quite to the contrary. What has been overlooked in the story of Japan’s economic success with its egalitarian income distribution is the essential role of incremental development in making this possible. Incremental urban development and economic development are completely interconnected. It is not because you move poor people into middle-class type mass housing that they become middle-class. Oftentimes they are unable to afford the maintenance cost of the buildings they get relocated to. In reality you break the process of urban and economic development. Redevelopment – as in the ‘Dharavi Redevelopment Plan’ - is not development.

7. In conclusion we would like to mention one point with particular relevance to Dharavi. It is about understanding the economic organization that ordinary people evolve for their livelihood and survival. The apparent mess of Dharavi is actually the complexity of Dharavi – this should not be overlooked. Dharavi is an economic powerhouse that has evolved an urban typology that ensures the survival of small studios, factories, residences, shops in a mosaic of urban forms. To ignore this enmeshing between its form and economic life and use the notion of urban planning in an ideological way that segregates uses and functions would violate the space and the lives of its citizens in a destructive manner. What is needed is a process in which planners and administrators incorporate the voices of the residents, encourage debate and discussion with the residents and help, understand and support the process from within. And this is what we will try to do next march in Koliwada, Dharavi in the context of a week-long workshop organized with PUKAR and the residents to which we would like to invite you all.


Koliwada, the fishermen community in Dharavi

The Urban Age airoots presentation is available here in PDF format along with videos of the presentation and discussion (disclaimer: the guy speaking after Rahul is NOT associated with airoots).

Tokyo Future Slum

Half of Tokyo was flattened during World War II. It was then rebuilt in haste to accommodate people’s need for shelter and livelihood. There were big master plans for Tokyo, but because of budgetary and time constraints the central government instead focused on infrastructure, leaving residential and commercial development to local actors.

This pattern of development has basically been maintained even till today and explains why Tokyo has both; one of the best infrastructures in the world and a housing stock of great variety. Typical low rent flats in Tokyo, such as mine, get very cold in the winter and very hot in the Summer

The residential urbanism of Tokyo is characterized by low rise buildings and high density. “In spite of some deliberate planning attempts to widen major streets and introduce reinforce concrete buildings the majority of neighborhoods were characterized by flimsy wooden constructions, and slum-type housing dominated many areas until the 1960s” (Carola Hein 2003).

While the architecture has incrementally been upgraded, the urban typology is still very much informal and slummy-looking, with extremely narrow and labyrinthine streets, self-made looking houses, often with parts added-on, made of material such as metal sheets and wood. Moreover most neighborhoods are very much mixed-use. Walking through the countless residential streets of Tokyo always leads to fascinating findings. Below are some shots of a recent walk in the historical streets of Yanaka.

What I find fascinating is that we can clearly see the past of Tokyo as a slum. How much of a good thing it was that these slummy areas were not master planned and “redeveloped” but rather left to develop on their own and retrofitted with modern infrastructure. Tokyo is a model of development for developing cities which are so often ashamed of their slums and dream of vertical modernity. Slum is vernacular architecture. This is history and culture. Don’t destroy it, develop it!


What a beautiful shack, even the electric pole is bent.


Step inside and it is a wonderful mess.


This is NOT Brazil. This Tokyo!


Metal sheets, the characteristic material of slums around the world…


Informal add-on to the house. Incrementally developing.


What about building a deck on the roof?

And if you need wood or a ladder you can get it from the neighbor

Below a sento, traditional Japanese public bath.

Below, my favorite wood house. Is it traditional architecture or a slum-type house? And what’s the difference anyways?

For more on the Tokyo model of urban development, from slum to future city, you can take a look at a memo Rahul and I prepared for the “Slum Rehabilitation Authority” (SRA) in Mumbai. This is the government agency in charge of the “Dharavi Redevelopment Project”.

Memo: The Tokyo Model of Urban Development

Khotachiwadi Graphic

August 25, 2008

Mumbai, like many colonial cities is full of lost, invisible streets and forgotten neighbourhoods. Some of them are completely reinvented, a few get improvised upon and most simply destroyed.

When the Khotachiwadi neighbourhood project was in full swing (2004 - 2005), this small Portuguese flavoured village in Girgaum, South Mumbai, yielded many arguments. Mainly about questions of urban density and growth, about the need to understand that villages have a valid place in cities and that more often than not, a village, a slum or a low rise habitat are considered synonymous, without good reason.

During the project, lead mostly by the residents, we began by evoking ‘heritage rhetoric’, locating Khotachiwadi within the debates about the city’s past. But that was only to subvert the discourse of heritage altogether. At the end of the day, the project insisted that the neighbourhood story should be primarily written into the city’s future. It consciously rode on fake nostalgia to push forth a sheer activist agenda. It talked of Mumbai’s diversity of built forms and the need to acknowledge the variety of architectural styles that make up its neighbourhoods.

The arguments were articulated with confidence mainly because they were accompanied by the imaginative beats of fictional and non fictional stories that circulated in Khotachiwadi. These stories brought to light the virtual neighbourhood, made up from the imagination of its inhabitants, that overlay on its twisting, narrow streets and its ornate bungalows. They emerged from the memories of those who grew up there, merged with the fresh perceptions of those who are still growing up there to eventually become prophecies of sorts.

Either way, they underlined the anachronism and the naturalness of Khotachiwadi.

Something that became really vivid only by drawings and graphics.

The comic story, forever young, the perfect accompaniment to urban legends, best encapsulates the subversive impulses of the project. Impulses that seem to be ostensibly concerned with the past, but in reality are looking straight ahead.


Graphic Credits:
Abhijit Khanvilkar and Prashant Prakash Jadhav

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